Traditional histories of the Chartist movement mostly end with the mass meeting and demonstration on April 10th 1848, when the third great Chartist petition was to be delivered to Parliament. The vast majority of historical accounts agree that the movement declined from this point, and rate it no further, except on some cases to mention, almost as an aside, the arrest of small groups of Chartist in London three months later for plotting to achieve their ends by violent insurrection.
But as David Goodway remarked in his study of London Chartism: “If, after the reverses of the Kennington Common rally and the off-hand rejection of the third great petition by the House of Commons, Chartism stood defeated in the summer of 1848, then the Chartists were yet to find out about it.” Revolutions were sweeping Europe, and many Chartists felt it would take little for radical change to also be achieved in Britain too.
Agitation and campaigning for political reform continued throughout the country, and in London itself, May and June 1848 saw several large demonstrations and a couple of attempts to organise another monster rally or march along the lines of April 10th. Many of the demonstrations were dispersed or prevented by force or banned.
Behind the scenes, some Chartists, frustrated by the repeated failure of peaceful and legal campaigning and petitioning, began planning to bring about the movement’s objectives by more direct means. Arrests of leading Chartists all over the country and of Irish radicals and nationalists with whom much of the Chartist movement was in sympathy and close contact, added an extra spur – the feeling was that not only would asking politely not win working men the vote, but many would be jailed for campaigning.
The atmosphere was electric, and the inspiration of the wave of revolutions and uprisings surging through Europe helped create a buzz of anticipation, ad a sense that maybe change could be won if people would fight for it. At a meeting of Chartist delegates from Lancashire and Yorkshire, held on 28 May, resolutions were passed in favour of forming a National Guard, a term with strong overtones of the French Revolution. Chartists began drilling in military formation in Bradford, Leeds and several other towns in Yorkshire. Chartists in Manchester and Oldham also paraded with weapons. Mass meetings were held all over the country and ‘strong expressions’ were used – which got a number of speakers arrested.
Shortly after a somewhat disappointing turnout for a national demonstration on June 4th, groups of Chartist began meeting clandestinely in the capital to plan an uprising.
Chartism as a movement had always been caught in a tension between its ‘moral force’ and ‘physical force’ camps – those who insisted on sticking to legal, peaceful methods of winning their aims, and those who believed the ruling elites would never grant them more than contempt if they went cap in hand, and that working class political representation could only be achieved by an armed revolution.
Sentiment within Chartism as a broad movement tended to see-saw between these poles, (a bit like the eternal struggle we see between left and right within the Labour Party…!). However, the physical force wing of Chartism was always a minority in the movement – though what size minority varied. In the lifetime of the movement, insurrectionary feeling ebbed and flowed. Another problem was that some Chartist leaders were quite prepared to bluster and sound all physical-force, but in practice were not ready to ever act or support action that backed up their words.
Chartism was part of an almost continuous thread of 60 years of campaigning for political reform – but the movements, organisations and political culture that reached a peak in Chartism drew on several traditions, one of which was a strong Jacobin insurrectionary impulse. Attempts to organise uprisings had capped several of the reform movements in the past half-century, most notably ending with the ‘Despard’ conspiracy of 1802 and the ‘Cato Street Conspiracy’ in 1820.
There had been a period before when concerted efforts to launch Chartist uprisings had been planned – in the winter of 1839 to 1840, which saw one actual revolt, in Newport, South Wales, and a number of botched plots, mainly in Yorkshire, which got no further than the planning stage. Some discussions were also had in London in 1840 and there were some arrests; but there is little evidence that much was even planned there. Much like the attempt to impose acceptance of the Charter by general strike in 1839, support had just not been there for a Chartist Revolution.
1848 would prove no different. Like most of the radical plots for insurrection since the 1790s, from Despard through Pentrich to Cato Street, the 1848 blueprints for revolution were known to the authorities from the start. Spies reporting to the home Office were deeply embedded in the Chartist movement and exposed the plot step by step as it was drawn up.
George Davis, a member of the Wat Tyler Brigade of Greenwich Chartists, attended meetings throughout the summer as a delegate, and Thomas Riordain Reading, the Northern Star‘s London Irish correspondent also reported to the Home office.
On 12 June 1848, Peter M’Douall (or McDouall), who had been a delegate at the first Chartist convention and had fled abroad with a price on his head after the general strike of 1842, chaired at a meeting in the Albion beershop on the Bethnal Green Road. Plans for an insurrection set in motion. A Secret Committee was set up, consisting of four appointed delegates (Henshaw, for East London; Pitt, for West London; Honeybold, North London; and Percy, South London), plus three from Chartist executive, two confederates (Irishmen) and two trade unionists, to decide time of uprising. The spies George Davis and Thomas Reading reported this meeting to the police.
In his report to the police, George Davis claimed that the committee used a map of London to draw up a series of possible plans of attack. In one scenario, barricades would have been constructed on the Strand, Ludgate Hill, Cheapside and other City streets from Clerkenwell to the Barbican and Hatton Garden Theatres and other buildings were to be set on fire, and pawnbrokers’ and gunsmiths’ shops raided to obtain arms. In South London, the police station at Kent Road was to be attacked.
Initially, it seems arrangements were being made for an uprising on the weekend of 16-18 June 1848. However, just two days after the meeting in Bethnal Green, on 14 June, the Chartist Executive ordered the disbanding of the Secret Committee. The executive had been well aware of the plans for insurrection, but had either realised or suspected there were police spies in the midst of the conspiracy. Peter McDouall himself named Mander, May and Plume as possible suspects (interestingly, their involvement in the plot seems to end from this point). McDouall himself was arrested in July.
The initial phase of the conspiracy then appears to have folded until early July. However, an uprising in Ireland was reported to be imminent, and habeas corpus there was suspended. Meanwhile, the police began arresting Chartist leaders in London. In early July, meetings of the would-be insurrectionaries resumed.
Plans made by the conspirators included rescuing arrested Chartist leaders (including Ernest Jones) from police custody as they were being moved from Newgate to Coldbath Fields Prison. This second conspiracy was probably unknown to the Chartist Executive – however, George Davis, and Thomas Powell (alias Johnson) of Cripplegate, were both keeping the authorities fully informed.
Between 20 July and 16 August, the conspirators held 16 meetings in one form or another, mainly in coffee houses (though occasionally in pubs).
|Dates and locations of the delegate meetings of the 1848 conspiracies, with those in attendance as known (taken from London Chartism 1838-48, by David Goodway)|
|Tuesday 6 June. Windsor Castle, Holborn|
|H Mander May (?), Plume (?).|
|Monday afternoon, 12 June. Albion, Bethnal Green Road.|
|25 present. M’Douall (chair), Henshaw, Honeybold, Percy, Pitt, George Davis.|
|Tuesday 13 June. Windsor Castle, Holborn|
|James Bassett (chair), Henshaw, Honeybold, William Lacey, Percy, Pitt, George Shell, George Davis.|
|Wednesday morning, 14 June. Literary Institute, John Street|
|14 present. M’Douall (chair), James Bassett (vice-chair), Child, William Lacey, George Bridge Mullins, Pitt, George Shell, George Davis.|
|Wednesday evening, 14 June. Lord Denman, Great Suffolk Street, Blackfriars Road|
|8 present. James Blight, George Davis.|
|Monday 10 July. George, Old Bailey.|
|13 or 20 present. Brewster, Lacey, Mullins, Payne, John Rose, Smith, George Davis.|
|Thursday 13 July. Lord Denman, Great Suffolk Street.|
|Thursday 20 July. Black Jack, Portsmouth Street, Lincoln’s Inn Fields.|
|14 present. William Allnutt, Bassett, Battice, Brewster, William Dowling, Mullins, Payne, John Rose, Davis, Thomas Powell (alias Johnson) (1st time).|
|Sunday morning, 23 July. Denny’s Coffee House, Great St Andrew’s Street, Seven Dials|
|10 present. Allnutt, Brewster, Dowling, Gurney, Mullins, Payne, Pedley, Rose, Smith, Stephens (?), Thompson, Davis, Powell.|
|Sunday evening, 23 July. Cartwright’s Coffee House, Redcross Street, Cripplegate|
|Brewster, Mullins, Payne, Rose, Powell.|
|Wednesday 26 July. Hopkinson’s Coffee House, Saffron Hill|
|18 present. Allnutt, Brewster, Dowling, Ferdinando, Flanagan, Mullins, Payne, Pedley, Rose, Smith, Stephens (?), Thompson, Davis, Powell.|
|Friday 28 July. Hopkinson’s Coffee House, Saffron Hill.|
|14 present. Brewster, Fay, Ferdinando, Flanagan, Hopkinson, Horn, Mullins, Page, Payne, Powell.|
|Sunday afternoon 30 July. Cartwright’s Coffee House, Redcross Street|
|28 present. Bassett, Brewster, Donovan, Dowling, Fay, Ferdinando, Hayman, Kirby, Lindsay, Mullins, Nash, Nowlan, Payne, Rose, Stephenson (or Stevenson), Davis, Powell.|
|Tuesday 1 August, Dispatch Coffee House, Bride Lane, Fleet Street.|
|34 or 29 present. Allnutt, Bezer, Brewster, Collins, Donovan, Dowling, Fay, Ferdinando, Fuzzen, Hayman, Lynch, Mullins, Payne, Raymond, Rose, Thompson, Warry, Davis, Powell|
|Friday 4 August. Cartwright’s Coffee House, Redcross Street|
|32 present. Bassett, Bligh, Brewster, Cuffay, Donovan, Dowling, Gurney, Lynch, Mullins, Payne, Rose, Thompson, Davis, Powell.|
|Sunday morning 6 August. Denny’s Coffee House, Great St Andrew’s Street|
|Brewster, Fay (?), Lynch (?), Mullins, Payne, Rose, Thompson, Davis.|
|Sunday afternoon 6 August. Dispatch Coffee House, Bride Lane|
|24 to 30 present. Allnutt, Bligh, Brewster, Cuffay, Fay, the two brothers Granshaw, Hammond (= Hayman?), Mullins, Page, Payne, Rose, Warry, Davis, Powell.|
|Monday 7 August. Denny’s Coffee House, Great St Andrew’s Street|
|About 30 present. Allnutt, Bassett, Brewster, Cuffay, Donovan, Dowling, Fay, Lynch, Mullins, Payne, Ritchie, Rose, Thompson, Warry, Davis, Powell.|
|Wednesday 9 August. Lord Denman, Great Suffolk Street, Blackfriars Road|
|28 present. Allnutt, Bassett, Bligh, Brewster, Cuffay, Donovan, Dowling, Fay, Flanagan, Fuzzen, the two Granshaws, Gurney, Horn, Lynch, Mullins, Nash, Payne, Pedley, Ritchie, Rose, Davis, Powell.|
|Friday 11 August. Perry’s Coffee House, Church Street, Shoreditch|
|Sunday morning 13 August. Hopkinson’s Coffee House, Saffron Hill|
|Allnutt, Bligh, Brewster, Fuzzen, Mullins, Payne, Ritchie, Salmon, Davis.|
|Sunday afternoon 13 August. Breedon’s Beershop, Shouldham Street, Crawford Street, Marylebone|
|26 or 30 present. Bligh, Cuffay, the two Granshaws, Hayman, Mullins, Nash, Payne, Ritchie, Warry, Davis.|
|Monday 14 August. Orange Tree, Orange Street, Red Lion Square|
|25 or 30 present. Allnutt, Bligh, Brewster, Cruikshank, Cuffay, Fay, Fleming, Ford, the two Granshaws, Gurney, Hayman, Mullins, Nash, Payne, Pearce, Ritchie, Scurrey (or Scurry), Simmonds, Warry, Davis, Powell.|
|Tuesday 15 August. Lord Denman, Great Suffolk Street.|
|30 or 40 present. Allnutt, Brewster, Cruikshank, Cuffay, Donaldson, Dowling, Fay, Ferdinando, Fleming, the two Granshaws, Gurney, Lacey, Mullins, Page, Payne, Pedley, Ritchie, Simmonds, Davis, Powell.|
The plotters were well aware that surveillance by the authorities was likely, and were suspicious and fearful of being followed, and of infiltration. At one point around early August, two of the group, Mullins and Rose, were accused of being spies, which led to some resignations from the Committee. However, the real spies continued to be deeply embedded in their plans. Powell (aka Johnson) was said by some of the defendants to have accused some of the plotters of being all talk, and to have also hired some men to make bullets and gunpowder in readiness. As with previous insurrectionary plans, provocation by spies cannot be ruled out.
The Committee made contact with physical force Chartists in Manchester, Liverpool, Leicester, Nottingham, Birmingham and possibly Bradford. Finally it was agreed that the rising would take place on Wednesday 16 August. The local Chartist branches were to meet at 8pm and to be ready to go into action at 9.20pm.
Thomas Powell, who spied on the Committee using the name Johnson, later gave evidence at the trial of William Dowling. His account is a fascinating insight into the discussion, though, as with all evidence offered by such infiltrators, may not be entirely accurate about individuals’s roles in the plan:
“Early in the present year I became a member of the Chartist Association. I believe it was between April and May; after 10th April—I continued to attend the meetings of the Association from time to time down to June, July, and Aug. last—I have always understood there are district associations of the Chartists—I was a member of the Cripplegate locality—there was a council of management consisting of five persons—it was appointed after I joined them—it consisted of Mr. Battice, Mr. Fowler, Mr. Carter, Mr. Owen Jones, and myself—I entered by the name of Johnson, and was known in the Chartist Association by that name—the council had. the general superintendence of the business of the Association—they usually net in the front long-room up stairs, at Cartwright’s Coffee-house, in Red Cross-street—about 20th July a committee was formed to meet at the Black Jack public-house, in Portugal-street, Lincoln’s-inn-fields—it was called the. Secret Committee—I was elected by the Council as a delegate—I attended a meeting of that committee on Thursday, 20th July, at the Black Jack—there were about fourteen persons present at that meeting—I have notes which I made, not the same day, but the next—the notes were made by myself—referring to them)—Mr. Payne, Mr. Brewster, Mr. Rose, Mr. Mullins, Mr. Bowling, a delegate from Greenwich, myself, Mr. Battice, and another Confederate delegate, a Mr. Allnutt, of another locality, and two strangers, whose names I do not remember—each of those fourteen attended, like myself, as delegates from different districts—Mr. Dowling attended as one of the Irish Confederates; I was informed so that evening—there was also another person, a stranger, who represented himself as a delegate from the Confederates—I have no note of the transactions of that meeting, but I can remember them—verbal reports were given in of the state of feeling of the members of their respective localities with regard to the physical force movement, and each delegate returned the number of men he could depend on, and were willing to fight—a committee was appointed for the purpose of drawing up five plans of action—Payne, Brewster, Rose, Mullins, and the prisoner Dowling were appointed on that committee—the meeting commenced at nine o’clock, or a little alter, and lasted till about ten minutes after twelve—Battice was present the whole time—he had been requested by the Council to accompany me to witness the proceedings—we were to meet again at Dennis’s Coffee-house, Great St. Andrew-street, Seven Dials, on the next Sunday morning, 23rd—when I went to the Black Jack, on the Thursday, I was asked to produce my credentials, and I produced a paper which I had procured from a Mr. Bezer on my way to the meeting—Battice was with me at the time received it, and Bezer said in his presence they were going to get up a bloody revolution-—on Sunday morning, 23rd, at ten o’clock, I attendee at Dennis’s Coffee-house’—I found the prisoner and Rose, Mullins, Brewster and Payne accompanied me—we were together about an hour before any one else joined us—during that hour Mullins laid a pocket-book on the table with a map of London unfolded, and the whole of the persons present had papers in their hands—there was also a pen-and-ink sketch of various pars of London, belonging to Mullins, and a portion of it marked Seven Dials—I did not see either of the other four plans—the prisoner told Mullins that he thought it was difficult for him (Dowling) to undertake the management of the Seven Dials—in the course of the evening Payne, who occupied the chairs said, “Gentlemen, our object is to destroy the power of the Queen, and if possible, to establish a republic,” and there was a general acquiescence; in that—I do not remember the words they used—there was some conversation about vitriol, and assassinating the police—I can’t exactly remember the purport of it—Rose said, “We must first assassinate the police, burn down the station-houses, and build barricades”—that appeared to be generally receive:—at the end of the hour Allnutt, a member from Greenwich, and another Confederate leader, came: there were ten persons present—I do not know anything of this paper (looking at a plan)—I can almost swear this paper (marked A) is the one I saw in Mullins’s possession—I saw him put it into his pocket-book, and put the pocket-book into his pocket—I never saw anything of these others (looking at others), but 1 believe I my safely swear to this, I was so impressed with the first sketch of it—the; is no particular mark on it, but I will explain how I am so positive of it—I had a view of it, and I observed this drawing and also these pencil-marks for barricades—there was some conversation by Brewster about the barricades being half-way down some street in Oxford-street, leading to some square—after the others came in, Mullins said he was sorry they had not quite matured the plans for their inspection—Payne left about half-past eleven, and the meeting soon after adjourned, and it was arranged they should meet at Cartwright’s on the same evening—we met there—Payne, Mullins, Brewster, and Rose, were there—Dowling was not—they went into a back room- I did not accompany them—I next met the same parties on Wednesday, 26th July, at Hopkinson’s Coffee-house, Saffron-hill—that had been arrange: on the Sunday morning—there were eighteen present, Dowling, Rose, Mullins, myself, a delegate from Greenwich, Brewster, Ferdinando (this was his first appearance), a delegate from the Green Gate, Hackney-road whose name I do not know, Flanagan, Allnutt, and others—I sometimes made my notes when I got home the same night, and sometimes the next day—as regards this particular meeting, I must have made the note soon after I got home at night, or early in the morning—a return was given of the number of new delegates—there was nothing at all in writing, it was all done as matter of confidence one with the other—reports were given of the feelings of the members of each locality, and the number of men they could depend—on as fighting men—there was a motion made respecting an advertisement to be put in the Northern Star, calling on every Chartist and Confederate locality to send two delegates to meet on the following Tuesday, at the Dispatch coffee house, Bride-lane, Fleet-street—that was adopted—there was nothing further of any consequence transacted that evening—they adjourned to the same place on the Friday, the 28th—there were fourteen persons-present then—there were two new delegates—there were reports made of the feeling of their localities, and the number of fighting men—each new delegate made a similar report with respect to his own locality—a resolution was passed that the sum of 10s. should be sent by the delegates of each locality, for the purpose of carrying out the object of the committee—we adjourned, to meet at Cartwright’s on the 30th—I attended there—there were twenty-eight persons present—they were Payne, Dowling, Brewster, Rose, Mullins, Bassett (his first appearance) Stevenson, a new delegate, myself, Ferdinando, Fay, and others—there was a return made from the new delegates of the feeling of the members of their localities, and also the number of fighting men that they could depend on—I believe that afternoon there was a resignation of the committee that met at the Black Jack, on account of the charges brought against Rose and Mullins, as being spies—a new committee, called the Ulterior Committee, was then appointed, composed of Payne, Rose, Mullins, Bassett, and the prisoner—that was the same Rose as it had been suggested was a spy—there was a talk about his election—the person who charged him as being a spy was not left out (I judged it was Brewster)—he was elected, after discussion and an explanation—it was not stated what the Ulterior Committee were to take into their consideration—it was generally understood what they were appointed for—a resolution was passed that the delegates should meet, if necessary, at Cartwright’s, on the following Monday evening—there was no meeting that evening—the next meeting was on Tuesday, 1st Aug.—that was the meeting which I alluded to, that was to take place at the Dispatch coffee-house, Bride-lane—there were thirty-four persons present, all delegates, or representing themselves as such, Payne, Rose,. Mullins, Brewster, Dowling, Bezer, myself, Fay, Thompson, Donovan, Lynch, Fuzzon, Warry, Allnutt, Ferdinando, Raymond, and others—a report was given in by the new delegates the same as before—(there had tan a resolution passed at Cartwright’s, on July 30th, that four more should be added to the Ulterior Committee, to make it nine)—I do not think I saw this paper there—I might have done so—Bezer gave in his return of fighting men as fifty—he came from our district, Cartwright’s—I cannot say what number the others returned—it was taken down either in pencil or ink—the Irish Felon Society was held in our locality, and the Star Society—there was also a club called the Davis’ Club, the Emmett Brigade, and the Tom Paine’s locality, and various others—there were delegates from each of those localities at the meetings I have mentioned—there was a jealousy that there were not enough Irish on the Ulterior Committee, and four more were added—they were Thompson, Lynch, Fay, and Donovan—there was a discussion on the propriety of sending a person to some part of Limerick or Cork, to ascertain how they were getting on—I do not know who proposed it it was not adopted—the reason stated was because it was not likely they could get any true intelligence of the state of the country—a proposition was made by the prisoner that there should be a demonstration on Sunday, 6th Aug., at two o’clock, of Chartists and Confederates, on Primrose-hill, to ascertain the strength and numbers of the people—it was lost by a majority of five—a resolution was carried to the effect that every delegate should return to his locality, and ascertain how the members were for regularity of preparation, and ready to be called out at an hour’s notice—I do not know that that was a substitute for the Primrose-hill meeting—it was after that had been disposed of—a resolution was passed that they should meet at Cartwright’s on Friday, Aug. 4th, at eight o’clock—Mullins stated he had seen Mr. Kydd that day, 1st Aug., and that Mr. Kydd had said, if the people came out for physical force, he would not be backward in heading them; but that he, Kydd, had entered on the executive as a moral-force man, and had taken the office only on that ground—that was what Mullins remarked on Kydd’s statement to him—that was received with a degree of belief—Kycid was one of the executive of the council of the Chartists, of the convention that sat in John-street—I know out Cripplcgate-street district was in communication with the executive in John-street—we next met at Cartwright’s on Friday evening, 4th Aug—there were thirty-two present—Mr. Payne was in the chair—Rose, Brewster, Gurney, (his first appearance,) Mullins, Bassett, (his second appearance’ Cuffey, Donovan, Lynch, Dowling, myself, Thompson, and others—the committee had met previously at three, before the whole body—the prisoner was present in the evening, but I will not say he was present at the committee—the committee sat half an hour or an hour, before the rest of the body joined them, and there was a discussion about what scarfs were to be worn as a sign of officership—a red scarf was mentioned; and it was determined that they should have red scarfs—I was present, and Brewster also a report was given in that evening by the new delegates of the number of men, the same as before—I should tell you that the committee who were sitting, Payne, Rose, Brewster, Mullins, and Bassett, had some conversation about a circular that Mr. Kydd had received, stating that they were desirous of knowing how far the committee of delegates then sitting in London were disposed to send a delegate to Manchester—it was decided to do so—Mr. Lacey’s name was mentioned, and Bassett was deputed to want upon him, and Rose gave Bassett money that Lacey might go on the following morning (Saturday)—a resolution was passed that evening, to the effect that the delegates should submit to the determination of the ulterior committee, whatever it was—the thirty-two were then present—a resolution was passed that the delegates should call on the members in their localities to meet at half-past two on the following Sunday, the 6th, at their localities, and to prevent if possible the members attending the meeting on Kennington’ common; to wait there till their delegates returned from Kennington-common—there was a meeting advertised to take place at Kennington-common that day, called by Mr. Dwaine—to the best of my belief it was to be at three o’clock—each delegate, in his particular district, was to have his members—their place of meeting, to keep them from going, till the delegates retuned from the Dispatch Coffee-house—it being an unlawful meeting, many of the members would be brought in contact with the police, and they were desirous I of preventing it—there was a resolution passed that we should meet on the following Sunday at the Dispatch Coffee-house—there was also another resolution passed for every delegate to select four men, to appoint then as telegraphs on the Sunday, and to station them from Fleet-street to Kennington-common—the delegates were to be at the Dispatch Coffee-house, and thus communicate with the persons at Kennington-common—I attended the meeting on the Sunday—there were from twenty-five to thirty persons present—I do not recollect that the prisoner was present—the arrangement was carried out of having men placed between the Despatch Coffee-house and the Common—I was appointed as one of the lookers-on, to see that!” the telegraphs should be stationed—a resolution was passed that they should meet at Dennis’s Coffee-house on the Monday evening—I attended it-there were about thirty present—it began at eight—the prisoner was there—Ritchie and Cuffey, and the whole nine of the ulterior committee were there and others, amounting to thirty—that night the ulterior committee resigned—on account of the reports in the papers of the arrest of Smith O’Brien in Ireland, and Mullins explained that he had no confidence in the others who were selected on the committee, that he had not seen their plans—he alluded to the four new Irishmen that had been added—one or two of the other made the same statement—there—was a fresh election—Messrs. Rose, Mullins, Brewster, Payne, and Bassett were elected, and were called the ulterior committee—a resolution was passed that there should be a president, and that the one who had the lowest post on the committee was to retire when the president came in—this was a visionary president—he was not named—there was some remark made by persons present that he was somebody and nobody—he was somebody to be talked about, and nothing more—a resolution was then passed that the sum of three-farthings should be levied on every member of every locality for the purpose of paying this president, to supply him with a salary—no time was specified for the payment—every delegate was to make the statement to the members in his locality—a letter was read by Mr. Payne, which I can only explain in this way, as he read it, that trade, was very good, and we should soon have a good order—he stated that the letter came from Mr. Lacey, who had been sent to Manchester—there was some degree of satisfaction expressed by many of the delegates present—they were glad to hear Lacey was going on well—a resolution was passed that they should meet on Wednesday, Aug. 9th, at the Lord Denman beer-shop, in Suffolk-street, Blackfriar’s-road—Messrs. Payne, Brewster, Rose, Mullins, Dowling, myself, Gurrney, Donovan, Bassett, and others, twenty-eight in all, were present—reports were given in by the new delegates of the feeling of their localities, and the number of fighting men, and the state of preparation they were in—I do not think anything was said about ball-cartridges, or anything of that sort; merely about preparation—Payne was in the chair, but Mullins acted as chief speaker—he was vice-chairman, and sat at the other end of the table—he called on all the delegates to declare their allegiance and determination to abide by the decision of the committee for the good of the people—they did not swear, but some declared solemnly, and some said they were determined to risk their lives, and abide by the deci-sion of the committee—Payne read another letter from Lacey, stating that all was going on well, that he was still at Manchester or some other part of the country, and there was a question asked how long he was to continue there, and Payne said he was to remain there as long as necessary—a resolution was passed that they should meet at Perry’s coffee-house, Church-street, Bethnal-green, or Shoreditch, on the following Friday, 11th, at eight o’clock—I went, but found no meeting—I was informed that the police had been to Rose’s house, and had seized his papers, and that all was up—I then went home—I heard on the following Sunday that there was to be a meeting on the following Monday night, 14th, at the Orange Tree beer-shop, Orange-street, Red Lion-square—I attended it, and I was asked why I was not at the other two meetings that bad taken place since Wednesday—I found, I should say, twenty-five there—I have not got their names, but I think I can tell them—there was Cuffey, Brewster, Payne, Mullins, Gurney, Fay, Ritchie, Scurry, myself and others—Dowling was not there, at least I did not see him there—Gurney asked me how it was I did not go to the meeting at Perry’s coffee house—I said I did go, and there was none held—he said there was, and then he told me where it was held—Payne was in the chair at the Orange Tree, but Mullins was the spokesman, and he was chief spokesman on all occasions—he called on us to give a return of the number of ball-cartridges that each delegate and his members had prepared—each delegate gave in his return of half-cartridges that he had prepared, and also what the members of his particular district had prepared—I did not take any note of the number—I think it was somewhere about 500 or 600—there was a return given in of the number of fighting men—Mullins stated that there were nearly 5000 fighting men of the Chartists alone—a return was also given in from the Confederates—I can not remember the number of them for a certainty, but I think it was something bordering upon the same number—it was a considerable number—he said the time was near at hand—he said, “Gentlemen, the next business is that I want every delegate to select four or six men, or more, as many as the can select iron; his locality”—there was a question asked what they were for- I do not know by whom—Cuffy answered, “To fire houses, railway premises trains, or anything”—I did not put anything down at the meeting—I was obliged to be cautious not to put any thing down—Mullins looked up at the gas which goes along the ceiling, and said “If I look up at the gas, you will at know what I mean”—I was asked how many men I thought I could select and I said two, and the other delegates right round gave in a return also—it was said they were to be men who could be depended on, who would do any-thing and everything—in the course of the evening there was a proposition made and carried, to send a deputation of two persons to have an interview with some of the North-Western Railway engineers, and ascertain what then feelings were, and whether they were willing to come over and assist the Chartists—Ritchie and Scurry were proposed and unanimously carried the purpose—I was not aware till that evening that there had been a conference between the engineers and the company—it was mentioned then because it was requested to know what they were going for—1s. 6d. was voted to defray their expenses for refreshment—they left forthwith on lie: mission—they were not present when the other resolutions were passed-! did not see any more of them that evening—there was a resolution passed that we should meet at half-past seven at the Lord Denman on the following Tuesday evening—I went—Payne, Brewster, Mullins, Cuffey, Dowling, Allnutt, Fey Gurney, Lacey, Ritchie, Ferdinando, and others, in all about forty, were there-Lacey was there when I got there—he entered into conversation with several of us, and told us that the men of Birmingham and Manchester, and I think he said Liverpool, but am not certain, were up and were doing, or would be doing that night, and he had been watched all day by the police, and as he was coming out of his street-door, a boy came up and told him that he was watched by the police—I had never seen Lacey before, I had only heard of him—he said he had been to Birmingham and Manchester, and other places, but I do not re-member for a certainty what those places were, and he had also been watched for two hours, and he gave the police the double, and had reached the place safety—about three quarters of an hour after that, there was a distributed colours by Brewster—they were twisted plaited ribbons, and were gives a the delegates so that they might be recognised as the leaders of the people—Brewster stated so—they were to be put on the left arm—they were three colours, red, white, and some other—I received one—Mullins was present as their distribution, and after that some of the committee came in—they were not-all present, at least I did not see them, but one or two of them spoke, are told Lacey they had better retire and consult—the room up-stairs was ✗ pied by a sing-song, and we had the lower room—Lacey said, “If yes will wait a while I will go and see at a neighbour’s coffee-house, whether we cannot have a room”—he went out, returned, and said “All right, or some such word-, and the committee went out with him—I did not go—they were gone about three quarters of an hour, or it might have been an hour—the delegates remained till they returned—they went away, to consult to gather-when they retired, Cuffey said, “Now, Mr. Chairman, you has better give the; instructions as quick as possible”—Mullins was acting-as chairman—Laccy went with them when they went out—I did not see him return with them, and was surprised at it—Cuffey was secretary; I was informed he was chosen secretary by the committee—Mullins said, “Gentle-men, as you are aware, the committee have retired, and come to certain resolutions and decisions; they have directed me to give you the following instructions; and as our friend, Mr. Lacey, has informed us that the men of Birmingham and Manchester are up, and will be doing to-night, and we have no reason to doubt the correctness of his statement, therefore, gentlemen, to-morrow night you must come out to fight and strike the blow; and it is necessary, gentlemen, that you should speak out honestly and boldly, for there must be no flinching in the matter”—Cuffey stood by the fireplace, and said, “You had better put it round, Mr. Chairman, to every one present; let them answer, ‘Yes’ or ‘No'”—Mullins on that appealed to a delegate sitting by me, and said, “Will you come out to fight?”—he said, “Yes”—he said to me,” Will you?” and I said, “Yes”—then he said, “Will you?” addressing each in turn, one by one, round the room, till he came to Mr. Ferdenando, who made a bit of a speech, and explained his reasons that he could not conscientiously say “Yes” to coming out—he objected, he was not agreeable; in fact, he said, “No”—he gave his reason, and then said, “No,” and sat down—there was one more of the same opinion—I do not know his name—he was companion delegate, I understood, to Allnutt, who sat by his side—with the exception of those two, the answer from the rest was, “Yes”—after that Mullins said, “Gentlemen, you must understand we shall take up four positions: Clerkenwell-green will be taken by Mr. Brewster; the Tower Hamlets will be taken by Mr. Payne;” and the Seven Dials, and the Broadway, Westminster, were the other two positions—Basset and Mullins were to take those two—I do not know which was to take each—Mullins said, after giving the instructions in that manner, “Gentlemen,” every delegate must assemble the members of his locality, for them to communicate to their locality at eight o’clock precisely”—it was to be the next night—there was a question asked by a delegate, I do not know who, how they were to get there with their pikes and poles?—Mullins said, “I can only say they must get them there the best way they can,” (some of the poles were ten feet long), “and at twenty minutes past nine, to a second, every delegate must be with his men at their respective positions”—the delegates were to come armed—Mullins proposed, and it was carried unanimously, that Ritchie was to superintend and direct those men that were to be selected for the purpose of firing houses, railway premises, trains, or anything—Ritchie undertook it—the Orange Tree was to be the place of meeting—a question was asked, how Ritchie was to know these men, and some person said, “I propose the password to be, ‘Frost and Mitchell'”—Allnutt proposed the word “Justice”—it was put, and carried unanimously; so that when these men entered the room Ritchie might ask them, “What do you want? who do you want?” and they would make reply, “Justice;” and then he would know them—Mullins said to Payne, “Just take a list of the number of men;” and he put them down; but he made a mistake, and there was some little confusion with the delegates—he went round the room again, and the number was reckoned forty-six—he applied to the person who sat next to me first, and then to me, and I said, “Two,” but I could only depend on one—he went round to every delegate, and in that way forty-six was made up—Gurney was there at the time, and when—I said I could select two, he said, “Oh, nonsense, you can select more than that, half a dozen, I know” I Was rather put out at his taking on himself to judge upon it; in fact, there Was but one man that I could depend on for the purpose—Gurney was one of the wardens before I was elected on the council—each warden has 100 men under him, according to the rules of the Society—after the number of men was taken, the last words Mullins uttered were, “May the bitterest curse of God hang on the soul of that man that shall betray any one of us”—it was such a colour as this (produced) that was to be tied round the arm—nothing more took place that I remember—I came away—the prisoner was there that night, and sat nearly opposite me—I attended a meeting on the following day, 15th—it had been arranged on the Tuesday evening at the Lord Denman, that our locality, the Finsbury, City, and Clerkenwell localities, were to meet Brewster at twelve o’clock, at the Crispin, in Milton-street, Cripplegate, to receive the delegates from each locality—I went, but did not arrive till a quarter to one—I found Brewster, Gill, Gurney, and I believe Fay, and others, eight or nine altogether—I have not made a note—Brewster said it was his intention to attack the Artillery-ground, and, if possible, to take it, and he should have to fight b——y hard, and that we should know by four o’clock in the afternoon whether the Government had received any intimation of what was going on—there was another person with him at the time; in fact, it was the man who told me at Perry’s coffee-shop that there was no meeting there, and that it was all up with Rose—Brewster pointed to this person, and said, “Wait on me at Clerkenwell-green when you are all there”—Brewster said, “Don’t be afraid because you do not see the signals for a little while; you might not see the signals for half an hour, but wait a bit”—it had been arranged at the Orange Tree that there were to be bonfires—the men who were selected, were spoken to on that same evening, for I spoke to my men—Brewster also said, “Ritchie swears, so help his God, he will shoot the first person dead that flinches from his duty.”
Groups were assigned gathering places for the start of the action. Charles Baldwinson, a tailor, of Webber-street, Blackfriars, was told to lead his Chartist branch to the Broadway, Westminster, and was told other groups would be mustering at Clerkenwell-green, in the East End, and at Seven Dials. Other evidence at the later trials suggests that groups were also to gather at “the Peacock, Westminster-road; another, at the Crispin, in Milton-street, Cripplegate; another, at Breadon’s beer-shop, Shouldham-street; and the fourth, I think, at the Buck’s Head, somewhere about Bethnal-green-road, or Hackney-road”. According to testimony given by the police spy George Davis: “plans… [were] produced…. to erect barricades from Clerkenwell down to Seven Dials, and from Seven Dials down Drury-lane to St. Mary’s Church, in the Strand, by Somerset-house, and right along the Strand to Temple-bar; that would form a good barricade, and from Temple-bar down Fleet-street, and by the water-side, and they were to make sure of Chaplin and Home’s premises… they were to make a circle round from Holborn till they got to St. Martin’s-le-Grand, and down there till they got to Clerkenwell-green and Aldersgate-street, and they were to take possession of St. Paul’s Church.”
Davis also testified as to expected numbers: “Mullins remarked that it was not those they depended on; they did not depend on the organised Chartists, but they reckoned there were about 30000 thieves and vagabonds about London who would co-operate with and assist them.” Though this last may have been embroidery by Davis to increase the frisson of respectable fear…
Groups of Chartists in other towns and cities had certainly been sounded out, and some were seemingly ready to join in with the proposed uprising. In Ashton, Lancashire, a clash took place between Chartists and police on August 14th, which led to some arrests: whether this was linked to the plans in London is unknown.
Powell asserts that conspirators reckoned on 5000 supporters in London being ready to take part in revolt. What stage plans for a rising on 16th August had really reached, and what kind of numbers would have joined in, is unclear. In any case, the authorities were completely forewarned, and moved pro-actively to round up the groups readying themselves for revolution.
At 6pm on the night of 16 August, 11 men were arrested at the Orange Tree public house Orange Street, off Red Lion Square in Holborn. Later, at 9pm, 13 more were held at the Angel in Southwark, and within 20 minutes more a large crowd that had gathered at Seven Dials, Covent Garden, were dispersed. Arrests continued for several days across London, and some caches of stashed weapons were discovered and seized.
“ARREST OF ARMED CHARTISTS IN LONDON
On Wednesday night a scene of the utmost confusion took place in Webber Street , Blackfriars which, for two or three hours, created considerable sensation in the neighbourhood.
It appears that, from private information received by the Government, about half-past nine, Superintendent Rutt, with nearly 300 men, marched to the Angel Tavern in Webber Street kept by Mr Smith. Mr Rutt, with a pair of loaded pistols and a cutlass at his side, entered the house, accompanied by a strong body of constables, and, at the same time, upwards of a hundred officers were drawn up in front of the premises under arms. The moment the police entered the tap-room or parlour, a general movement took place on the part of the persons assembled there, and Mr Rutt cried out, “If any man offers the least resistance I will run him through,” at the same time showing his drawn cutlass. This had the desired effect, and little or no resistance was attempted. The police then in a body seized fourteen men who were in the room, and conveyed them, under a strong guard, to Tower Street , where, upon being searched, pistils loaded to the muzzle, pikes, three-corner daggers, spearheads and swords were found upon their persons, and others were found secreted under the seats on which they had been sitting. Some of them wore iron breast-plates, and others had gun-powder, shot and tow balls. Under one man no less than 75 rounds of ball cartridge were discovered. The prisoners having been duly charged, their names and addresses were taken, and scarcely a man was brought forward who was not well known to the police as being a prominent Chartist. The whole of the prisoners were locked up at Tower Street under a strong escort of police. Soon after, Superintendent Rutt and Inspector Russell, from private information which they received, proceeded to Blue Anchor-yard, York Street , Westminster , where, it was stated, a gant of armed Chartists were waiting to march out and join the other portions in the event of a procession being formed. On entering the house of a well known leader, the man and a large pike were found.
Upon the police proceeding to the house of Samual Morgan, one of the men taken in the Angel Tavern, the police found the leg of a chair loaded with lead, and a number of nails driven in at the extremity. It was about the length of a policeman’s truncheon, and so heavily laden that a blow on the head with it must have caused instantaneous death. Swords and weapons of various kinds have been found at then residences of the other prisoners.
The whole of the military quartered at Buckingham palace, the Tower, Mint, Bank of England and the various barracks were under arms.
From what has already transpired, it is supposed that the Chartist and Confederate clubs intended to march out well armed, as they did some weeks back, and attack such buildings as may be pointed out to them.
Shortly after the capture was made in Webber Street , a meeting was attempted to be held at the South London Chartist Hall, in the same street, when one of the leaders rushed into the building, and advised them, for God’s sake, to disperse as their lives were in danger. In an instance a general rush took place for the street, and one man, in leaping from a side window, severely injured himself, and, it is rumoured, broke one of his legs.
In consequence of information received at the Home-office that a Chartist demonstration on a large scale was intended to be held at a house in Moor Street, Seven Dials, orders were issued to the superintendents of the various divisions of police at the wet end of the metropolis, to muster all their men and keep them in reserve till further orders. At four o’clock in the afternoon, a strong body of police, under the direction of Superintendents Pearce and Grimwood, went to the Orange Tree public-house in Orange Street , and having satisfied themselves that a number of armed Chartists were in the house, proceeded with several constables into the place, and arrested about eighteen men, armed with pistols, pikes, and blunderbusses. The landlord was also arrested, and several cabs having been procured, the whole of the prisoners were handcuffed and conveyed to the police station in Bow Street . The public house in question is now closed. About eleven o’clock an alarm was given that upwards of 500 Irish Confederates armed with pikes were about marching from Moor Street to meet the Confederates in Webber Street, and in consequence of the alarm manifested by the inhabitants, the whole of the C division, fully armed, under the orders of Superintendent Beresford, proceeded to the spot, and found that a number of Irish had assembled at a public house in the street under the pretence of having a raffle, in order to raise funds to defend the Confederate leaders on their forthcoming trial. This, however, turned out a mere subterfuge, for one the house being entered, the whole of the persons assembled there were found with arms in their hands. A violent resistance was offered on the part of the Confederates; but on the police drawing their cutlasses, they speedily threw down their arms and ran out of the house. Four fellows who were more violent than the rest were taken into custody. Quiet was not restored to the neighbourhood till a late hour.”
(The Scotsman, 19 August)
Thomas Barrett’s later testimony in court gives some sense of the atmosphere in the run up the 16th August:
BARRETT: “I am a shoemaker, of 17, Charles-street, Lisson-grove. On Whit-Sunday I became a member of the Emmett Brigade, which held its meetings at Morgan’s beer-shop, in Praed-street,. and one branch in Shouldham-street, kept by Broaden—I know a man named Mullins—I have heard him address meetings of Chartists and Confederates, at Breaden’s, on several Sundays, and on Sunday, 13th Aug. I heard him say it was necessary for each man to prepare himself for the crests that was coming, and it was necessary for each man to make a small sacrifice to aid the Committee of Progress in their undertakings, and they would judge by the exertions they made whether they were prepared or not—at a meeting there on Tuesday, 15th Aug., between thirty and forty Chartists and Confederates were present—at one time there were forty—it was staled that they were waiting for delegates from the Committee of Progress—on Wednesday, 16th Aug., about eight o’clock, I went to the Chartist meeting-house in Praed-street—about twenty of the Emmet Brigade were assembled—it was said that they were waiting for orders; they did not say for what, but it was generally understood for an outbreak—I went from thence to Breaden’s, I got there about half-past eight or a quarters to nine, and found thirty or forty persons of the same class—Mullins came in and a man named Smith clapped him on the shoulder, and said, “My boy, I was afraid you were taken”—he said, “No, they only take me with my life’—he retired, and a man named Cruickshank came in and placed a musket on the table—I had seen him there once or twice before—I do not know what branch he was a member of—there were two pistols, and several pikes and pike—heads, in the room—I heard the question put whether they were prepared, and whether they had got their toothpicks, which was the name they gave them—Mullins and others retired into another room—when they came back I was sitting in the angle of the room, and saw Mullins look into the room, and withdraw out of my sight—Smith said to me, but I cannot swear whether it was in Mullins’ presence, that they were to be in readiness to meet their leader at Crown-street Soho-square, and the Seven Dials, at ten o’clock—the leader’s name was not mentioned—a cab, which I was informed—had brought Mullins, drove up to the door, and he went away in it—I believe there was a question asked how they were to take their arms—the answers in the best way they could—I went to Crown-street, Soho, walked down to the bottom, and recognised about thirty persons whom I had seen in the room.
Cross-examined. Q. “What is Mullins? A. I believe he is a surgess—he seems to be a man of education—I think he said crisis, and not cress—was, not in communication with the police when I heard Mullins speak—I am a moral-force Chartist—I think it is not physical means that will carry out moral force.”
Searches of the homes of some Chartists produced evidence of plans and numbers expected to ‘turn out’: Constable Joseph Thompson testified that “On 11th Aug. I searched Rose’s premises—he was with us, and showed us the place—I found this plan, marked “A;” this map of the City-road, “B;” a map or sketch of Seven Dials, “C;” blank forms for plans to be filled up; one of Seven Dials; and the other, beaded “Clerkenwell;” three recipes for gun-cotton, and these two lists of numbers—I found this cipher…”
William Chubb gave evidence: “I believe this (No. 11) to be the prisoner’s writing—(This being read, contained various marks and figures, with names and words attached to them, among which were “Pikes,” “Rifles,” “Killed,” “Shot,” “Barricades,” “Victory,” “O’Brien,” “Doheny,” “Tipperary.” “Poison,” “Fire,” “English,” &c. The papers found at Rose’s being read, contained a variety of names contracted, with numbers placed against them, signifying the various localities, their number, and names of the leaders, among which were the following: “Wall. 80; Bass, and Nas.—Lamb, lo 150 Ped.—Ber. 50; Dean. 250; Cuff. Thom.—Star. 50; Pear.-War—Irish, 50; Ritch.—St. Gils. 100;—Carts. 50; Fel. 100; Mitch 30; W. Ty. 20;—Fuzz. Fa., &c.””
A search of 2, Cross Court, off Russell Court, Drury Lane, the home of Joseph Ritchie, turned up “a hundred and seventeen ball cartridges, four bullet-moulds, four bullets, three constable balls, one powder-horn three-parts full of powder, a three half-pint bottle three-parts full of gunpowder, a bayonet, a ladle for melting lead, a piece of lead, several percussion caps, some shot, a quantity of tow, and the tricoloured band”.
Other Chartist meeting places were also raided. According to police inspector John Haynes, “On Wednesday, 16th Aug., between nine and ten o’clock, I went to the Charter coffee-house, kept by Lacey, in Strutton-ground, Westminster—I went over the house, and into the club-room, with Lacey—the Wallace brigade branch of the National Chartist Association met there—I found a list of members, the treasurer’s-books, the Victim Fund-book, and a contribution-book—I found Thomas Jones in a room down-stairs—he was searched in my presence, and two old pistols were found in his pockets, a bayonet in his breast, a one-pound canister of gunpowder in his hat, and a box of gunpowder in his pocket (produced)—here are some ball-cartridges for pistols, and another box of ball-cartridges.”
The most prominent Chartist arrested in this frenetic week was William Cuffay, a Black tailor, the son of Caribbean slaves. Cuffay had been delegated by the London Chartists to represent them at the Chartist Convention, and he had been one of the most noted speakers at the April 10th rally on Kennington Common. A fierce critic of the empty bluster of Chartists leaders like Feargus O’Connor, Cuffay would have seemed not generally in favour of taking such steps as small groups plotting insurrection; he was usually pointedly in favour of ensuring that any actions taken by Chartist bodies were properly representative of wider opinion.
David Goodway notes that Cuffay, while commonly held responsible for the rising, had in fact only become secretary of the “ulterior committee” of organisers three days before the rising: others have speculated that Cuffay was in fact acting (whether for the Executive or on his own) as a brake on an uprising launching at this time. This is speculation, however. Police testified that when arrested Cuffay was in possession of a pistol and a pike-shaft.
The most consistent actors in the planning of the London insurrection seem to have been Payne, John Rose, Brewster, James Bassett, and most of all the 22-year-old surgeon’s apprentice George Bridge Mullins.
William Lacey, Thomas Fay, William Cuffay, William Dowling, and later George Bridge Mullins were found guilty in September 1848 of treason, and sentenced to be transported to Australia for life. Joseph Ritchie pleaded guilty and was also sentence to be transported for life.
Fifteen others who pleaded guilty to lesser charges of ‘unlawfully conspiring to excite insurrection and riot, and to obstruct by force the execution of the laws and preservation of the public peace, and to procure arms and ammunition for that purpose’ were imprisoned for two years. At least twelve others pleaded not guilty, but were in the end bound over ‘on their own recognisance’ for two years.
We will return to the trials of the Chartist insurrectionaries in a later post…
Many more Chartist leaders and spokesmen were arrested in the wake of the failed revolt, and a number were jailed for sedition based on speeches made before the events of August. Despite all the drilling, arming and speechifying, no general uprising manifested; the agitation died down slowly. Hundreds of activists were now in prison or awaiting trial; supporting the prisoners became vital. But Chartist leaders also fell into fighting amongst themselves and denouncing each other, either for failing to act on their words, or for falling into the trap of violent action and language. Genuine political divisions were also opening up which would soon splinter the movement again. Chartism would decline over the decade five years into smaller and smaller groups.
Was there ever a realistic chance of revolution in 1848? In hindsight, there just does not seem to have been the mass support or the will to really bring a successful insurrection about. The penetration of the movement by spies to its deepest levels might be identified as the reason for its failure – however, in reality, revolutions are not generally brought about by small groups of conspirators, or not on their own. An organic movement grown powerful enough to overthrow a deeply established class system can not be jemmied into existence by a tiny minority, but takes years to grow; to evolve an alternative culture. Chartism at its best was moving towards that. To some extent the insurrectionary impulse was the result of frustration with the failure of mass agitation to move things forward (a pattern seen in the 1802 and 1820 attempts at revolt too); understandable, given the poverty of most working people’s lives and the repression visited on the legal campaigning.
But other factors were at play. Part of the reason why revolutions across Europe were (at least temporarily) successful in overthrowing monarchies and establishing more representative regimes is that those regimes were rigidly adhering to despotic forms of government and class structure – substantial sections of the middle classes and some manufacturing interests supported revolution because they were excluded from power. In Britain, the 1832 reform act and other social and economic changes had strengthened the power base of the state by broadly bringing the middle class on board. The British establishment’s ability to adapt and evolve in the face of demands for change remained the most powerful card in its hand.
1848 may not have been a Revolutionary Moment Missed – it did mark in practice an end to the insurrectionary tradition in British radical politics. Chartism’s legacy, however, was much more nuanced and pervasive; the alternative culture it had inherited and strengthened would go on to influence future generations of radicals for decades.